The Indian written constitution acts as an armour in ensuring rights for females inside the country. Several changes made to the Indian constitution also played a vital role in empowering women. Here are some significant amendments:

• 73rd Amendment Act (1992): reserved one-third of seats for women in rural local bodies, empowering women at the grass-roots level.
• 74th Amendment Act (1992): Reserved one-third seats for women in urban local bodies, thus ensuring their involvement.
• 86th Amendment Act (2002): Made education a fundamental right and thus indirectly empowered women through girls’ education.
• 102nd Amendment Act (2018): Provided constitutional status to the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) on issues concerning social and educational backwardness, among other issues faced by backward classes, including women.
• 103rd Amendment Act (2019): Offers 10% reservation for economically weaker sections (EWS) in higher educational institutions and government jobs, thereby benefiting many poor girls from needy homes.
• 128th Amendment Bill 2023: Reserves one-third of seats in the Lok Sabha, State Legislative Assemblies, and the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi for women.

Thus, collectively, these amendments are motivated by women’s empowerment and rights.

Federalism, in simple terms, refers to the division of powers and responsibilities between the different forms of government. In the context of India, the terms show little variation. Instead of a complete separation of powers and responsibilities, certain powers are vested in both the central and state governments. Thus, we could say that Indian federalism is cooperative federalism. To understand this better, one must know that the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution guarantees the division of powers between state and centre. Although the constitution doesn’t directly refer to the federal governance structure, the Seventh Schedule divides powers between the Union and states through three lists: the Union List (centre subjects), the State List (state subjects), and the Concurrent List (the central and state governments) (subjects). Thus, Indian federalism is a unique blend of federalism and unitarianism, thus safely referred to as a quasifederal system. This may sound impressive, but it does come with challenges.

• The intricate balance between centralization and regionalism poses challenges.
• A powerful central authority may be perceived as encroaching, while robust regional movements can jeopardise national unity. For example, the revocation of Article 370 without the consent of Jammu and Kashmir’s legislature is a prime example of this dilemma.
• Regional dissatisfaction which stems from calls for autonomy, such as those from the Bodos and Gorkhas.

Federalism, in simple terms, refers to the division of powers and responsibilities between the different forms of government. In the context of India, the terms show little variation. Instead of a complete separation of powers and responsibilities, certain powers are vested in both the central and state governments. Thus, we could say that Indian federalism is cooperative federalism. To understand this better, one must know that the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution guarantees the division of powers between state and centre. Although the constitution doesn’t directly refer to the federal governance structure, the Seventh Schedule divides powers between the Union and states through three lists: the Union List (centre subjects), the State List (state subjects), and the Concurrent List (the central and state governments) (subjects). Thus, Indian federalism is a unique blend of federalism and unitarianism, thus safely referred to as a quasifederal system. This may sound impressive, but it does come with challenges.

• The intricate balance between centralization and regionalism poses challenges.
• A powerful central authority may be perceived as encroaching, while robust regional movements can jeopardise national unity. For example, the revocation of Article 370 without the consent of Jammu and Kashmir’s legislature is a prime example of this dilemma.
• Regional dissatisfaction which stems from calls for autonomy, such as those from the Bodos and Gorkhas.